• Prime Minister of Serbia Milovan Milovanović, 1863
• Prime Minister of Serbia Nikola Pašić, 1845

In February 1888, Dr. Milovanović became a professor at the University of Belgrade's Law School, which was called the Belgrade Higher School at that time, where he taught state law. Although young, he was nominated by King Milan Obrenović in 1888 as the secretary of Serbia's Constitutional Committee, and traveled to Denmark, Belgium and France to study their constitutional experience. Milovanović became the Committee's most active member and became renowned for drafting the most liberal of all of Serbia’s constitutions, that of December 1888 (January 1889, new style), as well various other laws related to the new constitution.

Milovanović wrote numerous articles on foreign policy and the national question in various radical dailies and journals, like Echo (Odjek) and Self - Government (Samouprava), including the influential fortnightly review Work (Delo), that he founded with other radical intellectuals in 1892. Milovanović argued for closer collaboration with Croats and Bulgarians with the slogan “Balkans to the Balkan nations“, and was an ardent supporter of a Franco - Russian alliance. His genuine idea was to achieve a rapprochement between the Balkan nations followed hopefully by an alliance (between Serbia, Montenegro, Greece and Bulgaria), that would be linked to the Entente powers and stand firmly against the German policy of Drang nach Osten pursued by Austria - Hungary and Germany. Moderate on national standpoints, Milovanović was often accused of accepting compromises, criticized for lack of national fervor towards achieving the sacred goal of Serbian unification.

Milovanović, at first closer to the Progressive Party, embraced Serbian Radicalism, which, in its moderate form of the 1890s, was quite close to French Radicalism. Milovanović left the Great School in 1891 and joined the National Radical Party. Fired by the Liberals from the Foreign Ministry in 1892, Milovanović ran for member of Parliament in 1893 and was elected. He returned to the Foreign Ministry again in 1893, only to be fired again in 1894, during the era of ”neutral ministries“, under the control of young king Aleksandar Obrenović. Milovanović served as Minister of Justice in the Radical cabinet of Đorđe Simić (December 17, 1896, to October 11, 1897, old style), and worked actively in preparing the Compromise (Ugodba) with the Bulgarians (1897) concerning bilateral relations of the two nations. In 1899, for campaigning against the autocratic rule of King Aleksandar Obrenović abroad, Milovanović was sentenced, in absentia, to two years in prison.

Milovanović returned to Serbia after the King pardoned the exiled Radicals in 1900, and then served shortly as envoy to Bucharest and eventually became Finance Minister in the governments of Aleksa Jovanović (July 12, 1900, to March 20, 1901, old style) and Mihailo Vujić (March 20, 1901, to October 7, 1902, old style). Milovanović was instrumental to drafting the new 1901 constitution promulgated in April (Aprilski Ustav) that introduced the Upper chamber of the Serbian National Assembly, as well as laws concerning the economy. He was considered one of the creators of the Radical - Progressive coalition that made possible the formation of the Vujuć government. Milovanović left the Vujić cabinet in May 1902, after failed attempts to ensure a new foreign loan for Serbia.

In early 1903 Milovanović was appointed as Serbian envoy to Rome where he engaged in wide diplomatic activity in order to increase the role of Italy in the reform efforts of the Great Powers in Ottoman held Old Serbia and Macedonia. He stayed in Rome until 1907. In 1907 he represented Serbia at the second Hague Peace Conference. He was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs in the government of Petar Velimirović (July 7, 1908, to February 11, 1909, old style). Until his sudden death in June 1912, Milovanović remained in charge of the foreign ministry of Serbia, including the period in 1912 when he was the Prime Minister.

As Foreign Minister in the 1909 unity government of Stojan Novaković (February 11, 1909, to October 11, 1909, old style), Milovanović played an important role in the Annexation Crisis provoked by the annexation of Bosnia & Herzegovina by Austria - Hungary proclaimed in October 1908. In contrast to public opinion in Serbia, which resulted in organized public protests against Austria - Hungary demanding a war for the liberation of Bosnia, and party leader Nikola Pašić, who was in favor of strong political resistance to the annexation, Milovanović proposed instead territorial compensation to Serbia in the Sanjak of Novi Bazar - an idea that was not accepted by the Great Powers. In March 1909 Milovanović visited Sofia, asked for support against Vienna and offered a partition of Slavic inhabited Macedonia, in order to end the old strife between Serbia and Bulgaria. On the other hand, the Bulgarians preferred a Slavic Macedonia intact and autonomous, as a first step to a complete annexation of the territory by Bulgaria. Milovanović remained as a foreign minister in the next cabinet led by Nikola Pašić (October 11, 1909, to June 25, 1911, old style).

After becoming Prime Minister in 1911 (he held the office from June 25, 1911, to June 18, 1912, old style), Milovanović crafted the Serbo - Bulgarian alliance (negotiated with Bulgarian Minister Geshov and monitored by Russian diplomats), signed on March 13, 1912, (February 29, 1912, old style), a key bilateral agreement that led to the formation of the Balkan Alliance (Serbia, Bulgaria, Greece, Montenegro) against Ottoman Turkey. The provisions of the Serbo - Bulgarian alliance called for a joint action against any power (i.e., Austria - Hungary) that might try to “annex, occupy, or event temporarily to invade with its arms” the Ottoman held Balkan provinces. A secret annex to the treaty of the alliance considered the contested and non - contested zones in Slavic Macedonia, with the contested zone of northwestern Macedonia (the region between the Šar Mountain and Lake Ohrid) left up to the arbitration of the Russian Emperor, and the uncontested southeastern zone (east of the Lake Ohrd – Kriva Palanka line) intended to become part of Bulgaria, free of any Serbian claims.

Milovanović died on June 18, 1912, just several months before the First Balkan War against the Ottomans that started in October 1912 and led to the liberation of the Balkan nations from Ottoman domination.

He was an important politician in the Balkans, who, together with his counterparts like Eleftherios Venizelos of Greece, managed to strengthen their small, still emerging national states against strong foreign influences, most notably those of Austria - Hungary, Ottoman Empire and Russia.

Pašić was born in the eastern Serbian village Veliki Izvor, near Zaječar, in the Principality of Serbia at the time. As his Serbian parents had come from the village of Golyam Izvor, Teteven area in Ottoman Bulgaria, some sources claim Pašić's ethnicity is Bulgarian. Later, his mother re-married to a Serbian baker who adopted him and gave him his surname, Pašić. In this relation he was called by his political opponents Bugarash. Indeed, Pašić having relatives in Bulgaria prove indispensable during his 6 years exile from Serbia, when he lived with relatives in Bulgaria, supported by the Bulgarian government.

Another view states that he is of Aromanian origin and was born to the family from Tetovo, Ottoman Macedonia, though of Vlah antecedents.

Pašić studied at the Zaječar gymnasium, but as the gymnasium was returned to Negotin (where it was first founded) for political reasons, he also studied in Negotin and Kragujevac. In 1866 he enrolled in the Belgrade Higher School, where he excelled in his studies and in 1868 received a state scholarship to study at the Polytechnical School in Zürich, for further specialization. Pašić graduated as an engineer but, apart from his brief participation in the construction of the Vienna - Budapest railroad, he never worked in this field.

A colony of Serbian students lived in Switzerland where they became acquainted with the ideas of Socialism. They would later become the core of the Socialist and Radical movement in Serbia. One of them was Svetozar Marković, who would become the first major socialist ideologue in Serbia. During his studies in Zürich, Pašić befriended Marković, as well as Pera Todorović, Pera Velimirović, Lazar Paču, Jovan Žujović, Mita Rakić and others.

After returning to Serbia, Pašić distanced himself from Svetozar Marković, though they never argued, and went to Bosnia and Herzegovina to support the anti - Ottoman uprising of Nevesinjska puška. The Socialists started publishing Samouprava (Cyrillic: самоуправа; home rule) which later became the official bulletin of the Radical Party. After Marković's death in 1875, Pašić became the leader of the movement and in 1878 was elected to the National Assembly of Serbia, even before the party was formed. In 1880 he made an unprecedented move in the Serbian political life by forming an opposition deputies' club in the assembly. Finally, a party program was completed in January 1881 and the Radical Party, the first systematically organized Serbian party, was officially established, with Pašić unanimously elected its first president.

The party and Pašić quickly gained popularity; the Radicals received 54 percent of the vote in the September 1883 elections, while the Progressive Party, favored by King Milan Obrenović IV only got 30 percent. Despite the Radicals' clear victory, the pro - Austrian king, who disliked the pro - Russian Pašić and the Radical party, nominated old non - partisan hardliner Nikola Hristić to form a government. By one decree Hristić opened the assembly and then he read a second one, dismissing it.

This already heated atmosphere was made worse by the decision to take away guns from the population, as a regular army was to be established. As a result, clashes began in eastern Serbia, in the Timok valley. King Milan blamed the unrest on the Radicals and sent troops to crush the rebellion. Pašić was sentenced to death in absentia; he had narrowly avoided arrest by fleeing to Bulgaria. Twenty - one others were sentenced to death and executed, and 734 more were imprisoned.

For the next 6 years, Nikola Pašić lived with relatives in Bulgaria, supported by the Bulgarian government. He lived in Sofia, where Pašić worked as building contractor and for a short time in the Ministry of Interior. He also made attempt to participate in Bulgarian policy. The official Bulgarian support became one of several reasons for Milan's decision to start the Serbo - Bulgarian War in 1885. After suffering a decisive defeat, Milan granted an amnesty for those sentenced for the Timok rebellion, but not for Pašić, who remained in Bulgarian exile until Milan's abdication in 1889. A few days later the newly formed Radical cabinet of Sava Grujić pardoned Pašić.

On October 13, 1889 Nikola Pašić was elected president of the National Assembly, a duty he would perform (de jure though, not de facto) until January 9, 1892. He was also elected mayor of Belgrade January 11, 1890 - January 26, 1891. His presiding over the assembly saw the largest number of laws being voted in the history of Serbian parliamentarism, while as the mayor of Belgrade he was responsible for cobbling the muddy city streets. He was reelected twice as president of the National Assembly June 13, 1893 - April 1895 (though from September 1893 only in name; his deputy Dimitrije Katić acted for him) and July 12, 1897 - June 29, 1898 and once more mayor of Belgrade January 22, 1897 - November 25, 1897.

After wisely not accepting to head the government immediately after his return from exile, Nikola Pašić became prime minister for the first time on February 23, 1891. However, ex-king Milan returned to Serbia in May 1890 and again began campaigning against Pašić and the Radicals. On June 16, 1892, Kosta Protić, one of three regents during the minority of Alexander Obrenović V, died. Under the constitution, the National Assembly was to elect a new regent, but as the assembly was on a several months vacation, Pašić had to call for an emergency session. Jovan Ristić, the most powerful regent, fearing Pašić might be elected co-regent and thus undermine his position, refused to allow the extra session, and Pašić resigned as prime minister on August 22, 1892. During his tenure, he was also foreign minister from April 2, 1892 and acting finance minister from November 3, 1891.

After king Alexander declared himself of age ahead of time and dismissed the regency, he offered a moderate Radical Lazar Dokić to form a government. Though he received approval from some members of the Radical party to participate in the government, Pašić refused. In order to exclude him from the political scene in Serbia, Alexander sent Pašić as his extraordinary envoy to Saint Petersburg, Russia, 1893 - 1894. In 1896 the king managed to force Nikola Pašić to back off from pushing for constitutional reforms. However, since 1897 both kings, Milan and Alexander, ruled almost jointly; as both disliked Pašić, in 1898 they had him imprisoned for 9 months because Samouprava published a statement about his previous opposition to king Milan. Pašić claimed he was misquoted, with no effect.

Former fireman, Đura Knežević, who was sentenced to death, tried to assassinate ex-king Milan in June 1899 (Serbian: Ивандањски атентат). The same evening, Milan declared that the Radical Party tried to kill him and all heads of the Radical Party were arrested, including Pašić who just came out of the prison from his previous sentence. Milan's anti - Radical accusations were groundless and even Austria - Hungary, his major ally, admitted that the Radical Party was not involved, despite Milan's insistence that at least Nikola Pašić and Kosta Taušanović be sentenced to death. Austria - Hungary feared that the execution of the pro-Russian Pašić would force Russia to intervene, abandoning a 1897 agreement to maintain Serbia's status quo. A special envoy was sent from Vienna to Milan to warn him that Austria would boycott the Obrenović dynasty if Pašić was executed. Noted Serbian historian Slobodan Jovanović later claimed that the entire assassination was staged so that Milan could get rid of the Radical Party.

Imprisoned and unaware of Austria - Hungary's interference, Pašić confessed that the Radical Party had been disloyal to the dynasty, which probably saved many people from prison. As part of the deal reached with the interior minister Đorđe Genčić, government officially left its own role out of the statement, so it looked like Pašić behaved cowardly and succumbed to the pressure. Pašić was sentenced to 5 years but released immediately. This caused future conflict within the Radical Party as younger members considered Pašić a coward and traitor, and split from the party.

For the rest of king Alexander's rule, Pašić retired from politics. Although the young monarch disliked Pašić, he was often summoned for consultations but would refrain from giving advice and insist that he is no longer involved with politics.

Nikola Pašić was not among the conspirators who plotted to assassinate king Alexander. The assassination took place on June 11, 1903, and both the king and Queen Draga Mašin were killed, as well as Prime Minister Dimitrije Cincar - Marković and Defense Minister Milovan Pavlović. The Radical party did not form the first cabinet after the coup d'état, but after winning the elections on October 4, 1903, they remained in almost uninterrupted power for the next 15 years. Wisely, Pašić did not lead all the Radical cabinets, letting other members of his party (or sometimes outside of it) be prime ministers. In the beginning, the Radicals opposed the appointment of a new king, Peter I Karađorđević, calling his appointment illegal. But Pašić later changed his mind after seeing how people willingly accepted the new monarch as well as king Peter I, educated in Western Europe, was a democratic, mild ruler, unlike the last two despotic and erratic Obrenović sovereigns. As it will be shown in the next two decades, the major clash between the king and the prime minister will be Pašić's refusal to raise to royal appanage.

Nikola Pašić became foreign minister on February 8, 1904 in Sava Grujić's cabinet and headed a government under his own presidency December 10, 1904 - May 28, 1905, continuing as foreign minister as well. In the next 10 years under the leadership of Pašić and the Radical Party (especially Lazar Paču, finance minister) Serbia grew into such a prosperous state that many historians call this period the modern golden age of Serbia. The country evolved into a European democracy and with financial and economic growth, political influence also grew which caused constant problems with Serbia's largest neighbor, Austria - Hungary, which even developed plans to turn Serbia into one of its provinces (already in 1879 German chancellor Otto von Bismarck said that Serbia is the stumbling block in Austria's development).

As Austro - Hungarian latent provocations of Serbia concerning Serbs living in Bosnia and Herzegovina, officially still part of the Ottoman Empire but occupied by Austria - Hungary since 1878 and causing problems to Serbian export which mainly went through Austria (as Serbia is landlocked) did not bring results, Austria - Hungary began open customs war in 1906. Pašić formed another cabinet April 30, 1906 - July 20, 1908. Pressured by the Austrian government which asked from Serbia to buy everything from Austrian companies, from salt to cannons, he replied to Austrian government that he personally would do that, but that the assembly is against it and in democratic countries that's what counts. Austria closed the borders which did cause a severe blow to the Serbian economy initially, but later rebounced even higher than it had been, thanks to Pašić's swift turn towards Western European countries. He forced conspirators of the 1903 coup into retirement which was a condition for reestablishing diplomatic ties with the United Kingdom, he bought cannons from France, etc. In the midst of the customs war, Austria - Hungary officially annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908 which caused mass protests in Serbia and political instability, but Pašić managed to calm the situation down. In this period, Pašić's major ally, Imperial Russia, was not much of a help being defeated by Japan in Russo - Japanese War and under a series of revolutions.

Pašić formed two more cabinets (October 24, 1909 - July 4, 1911 and from September 12, 1912). He was one of the major players in the forming of the Balkan League which later resulted in the First Balkan War (1912 - 13) and the Second Balkan War (1913) which almost doubled the size of Serbia with the territories of what was at the time considered Old Serbia (Kosovo, Metohija and Vardar Macedonia), retaken from the Ottomans after five centuries.

He clashed with some military structures about the handling of the newly acquired territories. Pašić believed the area should be included into the Serbian political and administrative system through democratic elections, while the army sought to keep the areas under military occupation. After one year of tensions Pašić dismissed the military administrator of Old Serbia and scheduled new elections for 1914 but the outbreak of World War I prevented it.

After the Assassination in Sarajevo on June 28, 1914 when members of the Serbian revolutionary organization Young Bosnia assassinated the Austro - Hungarian heir apparent Archduke Franz Ferdinand, Austrian government immediately accused Serbian government of being behind the assassination. The general consensus today is that government did not organize it, but the opinions on how much Pašić knew about it is still a controversial issue and it appears that every historian has its own opinion on the subject: Pašić knew nothing (Ćorović); Pašić knew something is about to happen and told Russia Austria would attack Serbia before the assassination (Dragnić); Pašić knew but as the assassins were connected to the powerful members of the Serbian intelligence was afraid to do anything about it personally so he warned Vienna (Balfour).

Austria presented him the July Ultimatum, written together with the envoys of the German ambassadors in such a vein which pro - Serbians claim that no country could accept it. After extensive consultations in the country itself and formidable pressure from outside to accept it, Pašić told the Austrian ambassador Giesl (who had already packed his bags) that Serbia accepts all the ultimatum demands except that allowing Austrian police to independently travel throughout Serbia and conduct its own investigation. Using the assassination and Serbian refusal as a pretext, Austria - Hungary declared war on Serbia on July 28, 1914 which was a beginning of World War I.

Serbian defeat was considered to be imminent compared to the strength of the Austria - Hungary. However, after a series of battles in 1914 - 1915 (Battle of Cer, Battle of Kolubara), the loss and recapture of Belgrade, and a Serbian counter offensive which resulted in the occupation of some Austrian territories (in Syrmia and eastern Bosnia), the Austrian army backed off. On July 5, 1914 things changed as old king Peter I relinquished his duties to the heir apparent Alexander, making him his regent.

On September 17, 1914, Pašić and the Albanian leader Essad Pasha Toptani signed in Niš the secret Treaty of Serbian - Albanian Alliance. The treaty had 15 points which focused on setting up joint Serbian - Albanian political and military institutions and military alliance of Albania and Kingdom of Serbia. Also treaty envisaged building of the railroad to Durres, a financial and military support of Kingdom of Serbia to Essad Pasha's position of Albanian ruler and drawing of the demarcation by special Serbo - Albanian commission. In October 1914 Essad Pasha returned to Albania. With Italian and Serbian financial backing he established armed forces in Dibër and captured interior of Albania and Dures. Pašić ordered that his followers be aided with money and arms.

Unlike Peter, Alexander was not a democratic spirit, rather a dictatorial one, and personally disliked Pašić and all his talks about democracy. Open strife began very soon, when Serbia was proposed the London Pact by which it was supposed to expand into most of the ethnic Serbian territories to the west, including a section of the Adriatic coast and some ethnic Albanian territories in northern Albania. In return, Serbia was supposed to relinquish part of Vardar Macedonia to Bulgaria so that the latter would enter the war on the Entente side. Both Pašić and regent Alexander were against this as they considered it to be a betrayal of the Croatians, Slovenians and Serbian sacrifices in the Balkan Wars, as negotiations for the future South Slav state had already began. However, Pašić and king Peter were not personally for the Yugoslav idea unlike the regent who pushed the issue for creating as large a state as possible. Serbia refused the pact and was attacked by Austria - Hungary, Germany and Bulgaria. The government and army retreated to the south in the direction of Greece, but was cut off by Bulgarian forces and had to go through Albania and to the Greek island of Corfu where the Corfu Declaration was signed in 1917 preparing the ground for the future South Slav state of Yugoslavia.

Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was officially proclaimed on December 1, 1918 and being prime minister of Serbia at that time, Pašić was generally considered de facto prime minister of the new South Slav state too. The political agreement was reached that Pašić will continue as the prime minister when the first government of the new state was to be formed, but as a result of his longtime dislike of Pašić, regent Alexander nominated Stojan Protić to form a government so Pašić stepped down on December 20, 1918.

Despite being removed from the government, as the most experienced of politicians, Nikola Pašić was the main negotiator for the new state at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919. In an effort to secure the maximalist agenda of the regent he did not push on the question of the Czech Corridor, Timişoara and Szeged, managed to secure borders with Albania and Bulgaria, but failed to annex Fiume (which became an independent state) and most of Carinthia (which remained part of Austria).

Elections held on November 28, 1920 showed that the Radical Party was the second strongest in the country, having just one seat less than the Yugoslav Democratic Party (91 to 92, respectively, out of 419 seats). But Pašić managed to form a coalition and became prime minister again on January 1, 1921.

As soon as talks about the constitution of the new state began, two diametrically opposite sides, Serbian and Croatian, were established. Both Pašić and regent Alexander wanted a unitary state but for different reasons. Pašić considered that the Serbs could be outvoted in such a state and that an unconsolidated and heterogeneous entity would fall apart if it was a federal one, while the regent simply didn't like to share power with others, which was shown 8 years later when he conducted a coup d'état. Stjepan Radić, a leading Croatian politician who did not hide his position that a joint Serbian - Croatian state was just a temporary solution on the way for Croatian full independence, asked for a federal republic. As Pašić commanded the majority in the assembly, a new constitution was proclaimed on Vidovdan (St. Vitus day), June 28, 1921 organizing the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as a parliamentary (albeit highly unitary) monarchy, abolishing even the remaining shreds of autonomy which had Slovenia, Croatia, Dalmatia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Vojvodina (provincial governments).

In the early 1920s the Yugoslav government of prime minister Nikola Pašić used police pressure over voters and ethnic minorities, confiscation of opposition pamphlets and other measures of election rigging to keep the opposition, mainly the autonomy minded Croats, in minority in the Yugoslav parliament.

Pašić remained prime minister until April 8, 1926, with a short break 27 July 1924 - November 6, 1924 when the government was headed by Ljuba Davidović. After relinquishing temporarily the post to his party colleague Nikola Uzunović, now a king, Alexander refused to reappoint Pašić using as a pretext scandals of Pašić's son Rade. The following day, on December 10, 1926, Nikola Pašić suffered a heart attack and died in Belgrade. He was buried on Belgrade's New Cemetery.

Pašić was widely criticized by the Communists as he prevented them from participating in the political life after the 1920 elections and a series of terrorist attacks by the Communists against government officials, and banned the Communist party officially proclaiming it a criminal organization on August 21, 1921.

In the early 1920s he was accused of using police pressure over voters and ethnic minorities, confiscation of opposition pamphlets and other measures of election rigging to keep the opposition, mainly the separatist Stjepan Radić, in minority in Yugoslav parliament.

After 1945 he was condemned by the new Communist authorities and was labeled a leader of the great Serbian hegemony, while his accomplishments in building modern Serbia were completely pushed aside. The same rhetoric is still used by the Croatian critics. Pašić is heavily attacked because of the unitary composition of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and his opinion that Serbs, being the majority in the state, should always have the leading role (except for Slovenian Anton Korošec 1928 - 29, all prime ministers 1918 - 41 were Serbs). Being against the joint South Slav state from the beginning, he was accused of pushing the Greater Serbian agenda, national concept of concentrated power in the hands of Belgrade. Croatian Communist theoretician Otokar Keršovani coined a phrase about Pašić: His name will remain in history more because it is connected to historical events, rather than the historical events being connected to his name, which was widely used and cited during the Communist regime from 1945 to 1991.

He was also criticized from the Serbian side. His former party colleague Pera Todorović wrote that Pašić was clumsy and indecisive. Historian Vladimir Ćorović openly wrote that Pašić had not a shred of courage, while Swiss doctor and Serbian benefactor Archibald Reiss criticized his weakness towards his scheming son Rade.

Nikola Pašić married Đurđina Duković, daughter of a wealthy Serbian grain trader from Trieste, Italy. They were married in the Russian church in Florence to avoid the gathering of the numerous Serbian colony in Trieste and had three children: son Radomir - Rade and daughters Dara and Pava.

Rade, a playboy and participant in many corruption affairs, was a constant embarrassment for Pašić. He had two sons, Vladislav, an architect (died in 1980 in Geneva, Switzerland) and Nikola II, an Oxford law graduate (born in 1918) who resided in Toronto, Canada where he  founded a Serbian National Academy.

Often accused for marrying into money, when he died, Archibald Reiss wrote: Look, son of the plain and poor peasants left one of the largest wealth in the country... you will say that his wife brought him a nice dowry. But what is that dowry compared to what he has left when he died? A crumb and nothing more.

One of the central squares in Belgrade is named after him, Square of Nikola Pašić (Serbian: Трг Николе Пашића / Trg Nikole Pašića). During the Communist regime, the square was named after Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. The 4.2 meter tall bronze statue of Pašić erected on the square overlooks the building of the assembly.